Assassinen

Dieses Thema im Forum "Der Islam und die Welt der Araber" wurde erstellt von Gaius Marius, 11. April 2006.

Schlagworte:
  1. Gaius Marius

    Gaius Marius Neues Mitglied

    Hab ich doch gesagt... :devil:
    Hast du dir mal Lewis angesehen?
    Meine Ausgabe steht leider gerade bei meinen Eltern im Bücherschrank und nicht bei mir, deswegen kann ich zu der Ehefrauenfrage nicht viel sagen.
    Du solltest aber nicht davon ausgehen, dass die paradiesischen Gärten, wie sie in einigen Romanen dargestellt werden, real und der wahre Motivationsgrund der Assasinnen waren. Das geht auf eine Überlieferung Marco Polos zurück, die allerdings eher als Mythos gesehen werden darf.
     
  2. Joinville

    Joinville Aktives Mitglied

    Wenn ich mich recht erinnere beginnt das Buch mit dem Einzug des Alten vom Berge ihn Masyaf, was um 1160 war. Insoweit müsste es doch stimmen. Im Besitz der Ismailiten war die Burg schon zufor was Eingang auch erwähnt wird, da die Familie des Romanhelden in Nachbarschaft zu ihnen lebte und ihnen glaub ich auch Tributpflichtig war.

     
  3. lynxxx

    lynxxx Neues Mitglied

    alexander sucht immer noch Infos?
    Hmm, irgendwie habe ich den Thread wohl übersehen.

    Hier diverse Infos, lang kurz, englisch, deutsch, wie gehabt... :rofl:

    Lexikon des Mittelalters:

    "Assassinen,
    in der westl. Literatur gebräuchl. Bezeichnung für eine von der isma<ilitischen Si<a (Islam) abgespaltene Sekte. Ihr Gründer, Hasan b. as-Sabbah (geb. um 1050), brach mit den Fatimiden und war somit nicht nur mit den Sunniten, sondern auch mit den Hauptrichtungen der Si<a verfeindet. 1090 sicherte er sich Alamut im Elburs-Gebirge als relig. und polit. Zentrum. Von dieser Hochburg aus erweiterte die Sekte ihren Einfluß, vergrößerte ihren Landbesitz in Persien und sandte Missionare nach Indien. Um 1140 etablierte sie sich im Ansariyya-Gebirge in Syrien. Ihren größten Einfluß erlangten die A. unter ihrem Großmeister Rasidaddin Sinan (gen. »Der Alte vom Berge«, 1163-93). Die Stärke der A. lag im Besitz verteidigungsfähiger Stützpunkte und im bedingungslosen Gehorsam ihrer Anhänger. Ihre Schwäche bestand in den verhältnismäßig geringen Mitteln und ihrer begrenzten Anziehungskraft auf die islam. Gesellschaft. Ihr Dogma beruhte auf direkter Übertragung göttl. Autorität. Einzelheiten religiöser Vorstellungen und Praktiken sind unbekannt, da den Anhängern in Zeiten der Gefahr die Verheimlichung ihres Glaubens gestattet wurde. Wieweit der Genuß von Haschisch, der sich möglicherweise in der Bezeichnung A. (von hassasun 'Haschischraucher') ausdrückt, bei den A. tatsächl. eine Rolle spielte, ist ungeklärt.
    Die Kriegführung der A. war weitgehend auf den Kampf um feste Plätze ausgerichtet. Durch handstreichartige Überfälle brachten sie Stützpunkte in ihre Gewalt, in denen sie sich dann mit viel Geschick behaupteten. Ob sie selber Burgen errichtet haben, ist nicht ganz sicher. Erfolge verzeichneten sie auch im Kleinkrieg, dank dem sie ztw. ganze Landstriche beherrschten.
    Ihre Politik war durch wechselndes Paktieren mit Kreuzfahrerstaaten, Ritterorden und dem Ayyubiden Saladin gekennzeichnet. Ein wichtiges Instrument der A. war der organisierte Mord an polit. und religiösen Gegnern, ausgeführt durch fanatisierte Elitegruppen (fida>iyyun; vgl. frz. assassin, it. assassino, 'Mörder'). So hätten zwei assassin. Mordanschläge auf Saladin bei Gelingen zu unabsehbaren hist. Konsequenzen führen können,
    Als größte Leistung der A. muß zweifellos ihr Überleben in einer feindl. Umwelt gewertet werden. Ihre Machtstellung wurde in Persien durch die Mongolen, die 1256 Alamut eroberten, im Westen 1270 durch Baibars gebrochen. Reste der Gemeinde haben sich als friedl. Bauern und Hirten in Syrien bis heute erhalten."

    "ASSASSINS: ISMAILI
    Assassin is a name that was applied originally by the
    Crusader circles in the Near East and other medieval
    Europeans to the Nizari Ismailis of Syria. From the
    opening decade of the twelfth century, the Crusaders
    had numerous encounters with the Syrian Nizaris,
    who reached the peak of their power under the leadership
    of Rashid al-Din Sinan (d. 1193 CE), their most
    famous dai and the original ‘‘Old Man of the Mountain’’
    of the Crusaders. It was, indeed, in Sinan’s time
    (1163–1193) that the Crusaders and their European
    observers became particularly impressed by the highly
    exaggerated reports and rumors about the daring
    behavior of the Nizari fidais, who were devotees who
    selectively targeted and removed their community’s
    prominent enemies in specific localities. As a result,
    the Nizari Ismailis became famous in Europe as the
    Assassins, the followers of the mysterious ‘‘Old Man
    of the Mountain.’’
    The term assassin, which appeared in European
    languages in a variety of forms (e.g., assassini, assissini,
    and heyssisini), was evidently based on variants
    of the Arabic word hashishi (pl. hashishiyya,
    hashishin). The latter was applied by other Muslims
    to Nizaris in the pejorative senses of ‘‘low-class
    rabble’’ or ‘‘people of lax morality,’’ without any
    derivative explanation reflecting any special connection
    between the Nizaris and hashish, a product of
    hemp. This term of abuse was picked up locally in
    Syria by the Crusaders and European travelers and
    adopted as the designation of the Nizari Ismailis.
    Subsequently, after the etymology of the term had
    been forgotten, it came to be used in Europe as a
    noun meaning ‘‘murderer.’’ Thus, a misnomer rooted
    in abuse eventually resulted in a new word, assassin,
    in European languages.
    Medieval Europeans—and especially the Crusaders—
    who remained ignorant of Islam as a religion
    and of its internal divisions were also responsible for
    fabricating and disseminating (in the Latin Orient as
    well as in Europe) a number of interconnected legends
    about the secret practices of the Nizaris, the so-called
    ‘‘assassin legends.’’ In particular, the legends sought
    to provide a rational explanation for the seemingly
    irrational self-sacrificing behavior of the Nizari fidais;
    as such, they revolved around the recruitment and
    training of the youthful devotees. The legends developed
    in stages from the time of Sinan and throughout
    the thirteenth century. Soon, the seemingly blind obedience
    of the fidais to their leader was attributed, by
    their occidental observers, to the influence of an
    intoxicating drug like hashish. There is no evidence
    that suggests that hashish or any other drug was used
    in any systematic fashion to motivate the fidais; contemporary
    non-Ismaili Muslim sources that are generally
    hostile toward the Ismailis remain silent on this
    subject. In all probability, it was the abusive name
    hashishi that gave rise to the imaginative tales
    disseminated by the Crusaders.
    The assassin legends culminated in a synthesized
    version that was popularized by Marco Polo, who
    combined the hashish legend with a number of other
    legends and also added his own contribution in the
    form of a secret ‘‘garden of paradise,’’ where the fidais
    supposedly received part of their training. By the
    fourteenth century, the assassin legends had acquired
    wide currency in Europe and the Latin Orient, and
    they were accepted as reliable descriptions of the secret
    practices of the Nizari Ismailis, who were generally
    portrayed in European sources as a sinister
    order of drugged assassins. Subsequently, Westerners
    retained the name assassins as a general reference to
    the Nizari Ismailis, although the term had now become
    a new common noun in European languages
    meaning ‘‘murderer.’’ It was A.I. Silvestre de Sacy
    (1758–1838) who succeeded in solving the mystery of
    the name and its etymology, although he and the other
    orientalists continued to endorse various aspects of
    the assassin legends. Modern scholarship in Ismaili
    studies, which is based on authentic Ismaili sources,
    has now begun to deconstruct the Assassin legends
    that surround the Nizari Ismailis and their fidais—
    legends rooted in hostility and imaginative ignorance.
    "
    aus: Josef W. Meri (Hrsg.): Medieval Islamic civilization. An Encyclopedia. N.Y. 2006.

    "HASHĪSHIYYA , a name given in mediaeval times to the followers in Syria of the Nizārī
    branch of the Ismāīlī sect. The name was carried from Syria to Europe by the Crusaders, and occurs
    in a variety of forms in the Western literature of the Crusades, as well as in Greek and Hebrew texts.
    In the form 'assassin' it eventually found its way into French and English usage, with corresponding
    forms in Italian, Spanish and other languages. At first the word seems to have been used in the sense
    of devotee or zealot, thus corresponding to fidāī [q.v.]. As early as the 12th century Provençal poets compare
    themselves to Assassins in their self1sacrificing devotion to their ladies.
    But soon it was the murderous tactics of the Nizārīs, rather than their selfless devotion, that fascinated
    European visitors to the East, and gave the word a new meaning. From being the name of a
    mysterious sect in Syria, assassin becomes a common noun meaning murderer. It is already used by
    Dante ('lo perfido assassin ...', Inferno, xix, 49150), and is explained by his commentator Francesco da
    Buti, in the second half of the 14th century, as 'one who kills another for money'.
    During the 17th and 18th centuries the name assassin—and the sect that first bore it—received a
    good deal of attention from European scholars, who produced a number of theories, mostly fantastic,
    to explain its origin and significance. The mystery was finally solved by Silvestre de Sacy in his
    Mémoire sur la dynastie des Assassins et sur l'origine de leur nom, read to the Institut in 1809 and published in
    the Mémoires de l'Institut Royal, iv (1818), 1185 (= Mémoires d'histoire et de littérature orientales, Paris 1818,
    3221403). Using Arabic manuscript sources, notably the chronicle of Abū āma, he examines and
    rejects previous explanations, and shows that the word assassin is connected with the Arabic hashīsh [q.v.]. He suggests that the variant forms Assassini, Assissini, Heyssisini etc. in the Crusading sources
    come from alternative Arabic forms hashīshī
    ...
    In confirmation of this he was able to produce several Arabic texts in which the sectaries
    are called hashīshī, but none in which they are called hashīsh. Since then, the form hashīshī has been
    amply confirmed by new texts that have come to light—but there is still, as far as is known, no text in
    which the sectaries are called hashīshā
    . It would therefore seem that this part of S. de Sacy's
    explanation must be abandoned, and all the European variants derived from the Arabic hashīshī.
    This revision raises again the question of the meaning of the term. hashīsh is of course the Arabic
    name of Indian hemp—cannabis sativa—and hashīsh is the common word for a hashish1taker. De
    Sacy, while not accepting the opinion held by many later writers that the assassins were so called
    because they were addicts, nevertheless explains the name as due to the secret use of hashish by the
    leaders of the sect, to give their emissaries a foretaste of the delights of paradise that awaited them on
    the completion of their missions. He links this interpretation with the story told by Marco Polo, and
    found also in other eastern and western sources, of the secret 'gardens of paradise' into which the
    drugged devotees were introduced (Marco Polo, edd. A. C. Moule and P. Pelliot, London 1938, i, 40
    ff.; cf. Arnold of Lübeck, Chronicon Slavorum, iv, 16; J. von Hammer, Sur le paradis du Vieux de la
    Montagne, in Fundgruben des Orients, iii (1813), 20116—citing an Arabic romance, in which the drug
    used is called Ban ). This story is early; the oldest version of it, that of Arnold of Lübeck, must date
    from the end of the 12th century. Their chief, he says, himself gives them daggers which are, so to
    speak, consecrated to this task, and then “et tunc poculo eos quodam, quo in extasim vel amentiam
    rapiantur, inebriat, et eis magicis suis quedam sompnia in fantastica, gaudiis et deliciis, immo nugis plena, ostendit, et hec eternaliter pro tali opere eos habere
    contendit” (Monumenta Germaniae historica, xxi, Hanover 1869, 179). This story, which may well be the
    earliest account of hashish dreams, is repeated with variants by later writers. It is, however, almost
    certainly a popular tale, perhaps even a result rather than a cause of the name hashīshiyya . The use
    and effects of hashish were known at the time, and were no secret; the use of the drug by the
    Page 1 of 2 0A÷ô^÷ôIYYA [III:267b]sectaries, with or without secret gardens, is attested neither by Ismāīlī nor by serious Sunnī authors.
    Even the name hashīshiyya is local to Syria (cf. Houtsma, Recueil, i, 195; Ibn Muyassar, Annales, 68) and
    probably abusive. It was never used by contemporaries of the Persian or any other non1Syrian
    Ismāīlīs; even in Syria it was not used by the Ismāīlīs; themselves (except in a polemic tract issued by
    the Fāimid Caliph al1 Āmir against his Nizārī opponents—A. A. A. Fyzee, al- Hidāyatu 'l- āmirīya,
    London1Bombay 1938, 27), and only occasionally even by non1 Ismāīlī writers. Thus Marīzī, in a
    fairly lengthy discussion of the origins and use of hashish, mentions a Persian mulid (probably an
    Ismāīlī) who came to Cairo at about the end of the 8th century A.H. and prepared and sold his own
    mixture of hashish—but does not call the Ismāīlīs hashīshiyya , or mention any special connexion
    between the sect and the drug ( ia , Būlā, ii, 12619). a
    ī
    ī would thus appear to have been a
    local Syrian epithet for the Ismāīlīs, probably a term of contempt—a criticism of their behaviour
    rather than a description of their practices"

    aus der "Encyclopaedia of Islam", die ganzen Variationen mit den Sonderbuchstaben von hashīsh habe ich mal weggelassen und überall diese korrupten Zeichen durch hashīsh ersetzt.
     
  4. lynxxx

    lynxxx Neues Mitglied

    Forts:

    Hier habe ich mal alles so aus der EI gelassen, ohne händische Korrektur meinerseits:

    "HASAN-I SABBĀH , first dāī of the Nizārī Ismāīlīs at Alamūt. asan was born at umm,
    son of an Imāmī īī of Kūfa, Alī b. al- abbā al- imyarī. He studied at Rayy and there,
    sometime after the age of seventeen, was converted to Ismāīlism. (The tale of his schoolfellow pact
    with Umar ayyām and Niām al-Mulk, his later enemy, is a fable.) In 464/1071-2 he became a
    deputy of Abd al-Malik b. A!!ā", chief Ismāīlī dāī in the Saldjūq domains; in 469/1076-7 he was
    sent to Egypt, presumably for training, where he remained about three years. (The stories of his
    conflict there with the wazīr , Badr al- '%amālī, are not dependable). On returning to Īrān, he
    travelled widely in the Ismāīlī cause. In 483/1090 he seized the rock fortress of Alamūt [q.v.] in
    Rū$bār in Daylamān with the aid of converts among the garrison. This was one of the first coups in
    a general rising against the Saldjūq
    power by the Ismāīlīs, which emphasized seizing fortresses and assassinating key opponents and had
    wide success after Malik"āh's death (485/1092); these insurgents were called Nizārīs [q.v.] after they
    broke with the Fā!imid Egyptian government in 487/1094 in support of the claims of Nizār to the
    imāmate. Meanwhile asan, as leader in Rū$bār, was taking a number of strongholds there and
    making them as self-sufficient as possible. After 498/1104, under Muammad b. Malik"āh, the
    Sal$%ū& forces recovered many fortresses, including the headquarters of Ibn A!!ā"'s son near
    I0fahān; asan's post at Alamūt proved a crucial stronghold, resisting persistent Sal$%ū& assaults. In
    511/1118 a major siege of Alamūt broke up only on Muammad's death. By this time, asan seems
    to have been recognized as chief throughout the Nizārī movement. His remaining years, till
    518/1124, were mostly peaceful and devoted to consolidating into a cohesive (but territorially very
    scattered) state such of the Nizārī holdings as had been retained.
    asan led a retired and ascetic life and imposed a puritanical regimen on Rū$bār. He executed
    both his sons, one for alleged murder, the other for drunkenness. He was learned in the philosophical
    disciplines and wrote cogently. We have a portion of his autobiography, an abridgement of a treatise
    of his on theology, and possibly other writings. He expounded in Persian an intensely logical form of
    the īī doctrine of talīm, that one must accept absolute authority in religious faith; this form of the
    doctrine became central to the Nizārī teaching of the time and greatly affected al- 2azālī.
    Neither in the intellectual nor in the political sphere do we know how far asan was an originator,
    how far simply the most successful exemplar of the new ways used by the Nizārīs. Among later
    Nizārīs, asan came to be looked on as the chief figure of the “ dawa
    adīda ”, the reformed Ismāīlī
    movement dating from the break with the Egyptian government. He was the u
    
    a , the living proof
    of the vanished imām after Nizār's death, and the authorized link with the line of imām s who
    subsequently appeared in Alamūt. He was called sayyid- nā, “our master”, and his tomb became a
    shrine. Outsiders ascribed to him the organization of the whole Nizārī movement and especially the
    organization and training of the fidāī s, dedicated assassins, who later may have formed a special
    corps.
    What we have of asan's writings, in addition to brief citations and perhaps summaries in later
    Nizārī works, is preserved in al- ahrastānī and in Ra"īd al- Dīn, āmi al- tawārī, and '%uwaynī
    (who is less full); the latter two give primary data on his life. For discussion and bibliography, see
    Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Order of Assassins : the struggle of the early Nizārī Ismāīlīs against the Islamic
    world (The Hague 1955). For an uncritical but interesting modern Ismāīlī evaluation, see Jawad al-
    Muscati, Hasan bin Sabbah (2nd. ed.: Ismailia Association Pakistan, Karachi 1953 or 1958)."



    "ALAMŪT .

    (I) THE FORTRESS.
    The ruins of the fortress of Alamūt are situated on the summit of a lofty and almost inaccessible rock
    in the heart of the Alburz mountains two days's march northnortheast of azwīn. According to Ibn
    al A
    īr (x, 131), an eagle indicated the site to a Daylamite king, who built a castle there, hence the
    derivation of Alamūt from āluh, “eagle” and āmū( )t, “teaching”. In 246/860 the Alid al asan al
    Dāi ila'l a rebuilt the castle. asani abbā, the founder of the Assassins, seized Alamūt in
    483/1090 and made it the headquarters of the Order. The Mongols took Alamūt in 654/1257 but
    the Assassins regained it in 673/1275, only to lose it finally soon afterwards. In afawid times,
    Alamūt was used as a state prison or “castle of oblivion”. Remains of the walls and buildings are still
    to be seen.
    (L. Lockhart)

    (II) THE DYNASTY.
    Alamūt was the center of a īite state between 483/1090 and 654/1256 with territories scattered
    unevenly from Syria to eastern Iran, ruled by the head of the Nizārī Ismāīlī [q.v.] sect, sometimes
    called the Assassins.
    The state grew out of an attempt by the Ismāīlīs of Iran to break the power of the Sunnite Sal!"ūs
    on behalf of the Fā$imid rulers of Egypt. Their revolt began in the last years of Malik'āh's reign,
    spreading especially during the troubled time of Barkiyāru; Ismāīlīs seized strongholds in uhistān,
    ūmis, Fārs, al -"azīra, Syria, and elsewhere, and Ismāīlī troops intervened in the civil wars.
    Among the leaders the most important were the learned Abd alMalik b. A$$ā', dā
    ī(chief
    propagandist) of I.fahān, his son Amad b. A$$ā', who seized āhdiz near I.fahān in 494/1100,
    and asani abbā [q.v.], who seized Alamūt in Daylamān in 483/1090. On the death of the imām
    al Mustan.ir of Egypt in 487/1094 the Ismāīlīs of Iran supported the claims of his son Nizār; when
    Nizār was defeated they refused to recognize al Mustalī, and carried on their revolt independently
    of Egypt, under the name of Nizārīs [q.v.].
    With the concentration of Sal!"ū power in the hands of Muammad Tapar the tide turned against
    the Ismāīlīs; āhdiz fell in 500/1107 and Alamūt was in grave danger when Muammad's death, in
    511/1118, allowed the Ismāīlīs a time of recuperation. By this time the leadership was clearly in the
    hands of asani abbā at Alamût. He controlled an essentially independent state consisting of the
    strongholds in the Rūdbār district around Alamūt, of the fortress of Girdkūh near Dām1ān in
    ūmis, and of numerous towns in uhistān south of 2urāsān. In addition, when was the leader of
    most of the Ismāīlīs under Sal!"ū rule in Iran and the Fertile Crescent and even a few partisans of
    Nizār in Egypt. With a later small addition in Syria, the territory of the state remained substantially
    the same till its end, while the importance of Ismāīlī adherents in the surrounding lands seems to
    have declined rapidly.
    The history of the state was dominated by a sustained hostility between the Ismāīlīs and the
    surrounding Sunnite and even īite populations; a hostility expressed on the one side in repeated
    massacres of all suspected Ismāīlīs in a town and on the other side in assassinations of their most
    active enemies, such as Ni3ām alMulk [q.v.]. Assassination was not in itself unusual at that time, but
    its systematic use by the Ismāīlīs produced a special terror. Especially in the earlier years, Ismāīlīs
    owing allegiance to the sect leadership at Alamūt lived interspersed among the people, keeping their
    unpopular faith secret with īite taiyya. Those detailed to get rid of some persecuting āī or amīr
    sometimes stalked their victim with signal devotion, finally killing him spectacularly in public. Any
    Page 1 of 3 ALAM—T [I:352b]public murder therefore was likely to be ascribed to the Ismāīlīs; hence a nickname of theirs, al
    a'ī'iyya, has become the word assassin in Western languages. (There is no evidence that the use
    of the drug aī entered in any way into the assassinations.) Eventually, at least, assassination as a
    weapon became institutionalized, assassins being
    kept in readiness at hostile courts and their services perhaps even hired out to friendly rulers.
    Suspicion and war almost never ceased between the Ismāīlī state and the surrounding peoples;
    raiding Ismāīlī villages and slaughtering their inhabitants was considered a pious act among the
    Sunnites, while the Ismāīlīs in their isolated districts maintained a united front against outsiders until
    the end.
    asani abbā died in 518/1124, leaving the leadership to one of his generals, Buzurg ummīd, as

    īof Daylamān. Buzurg ummīd's son Muammadsucceeded him in 532/1138. During these two
    reigns defense against Sal!"ū rulers, especially San!"ar and Mamūd, alternated with local raids
    against mountain rivals or nearby towns like azwīn. Of symbolic importance were the
    assassinations of two Abbāsid caliphs, al Mustar'id and al Rā'id. Meanwhile, after playing a
    calamitous role in the politics of Aleppo and Damascus, the Syrian Ismāīlīs finally acquired for the
    state the fortresses of a part of -"abal Bahrā, north of the Lebanon.
    Muammad's son, asan II, who succeeded in 557/1162, declared himself in 559/1164 no longer
    simply dā
    ībut alīfa , plenipotentiary of the longhidden imām ; and probably hinted that he was
    himself that imām . Proclaiming the Day of Resurrection, the spiritual consummation of the world, he
    abolished the īite arī
    a law as inconsistent with the mystical life in Paradise to which Ismāīlīs
    were henceforth called; thus consecrating irrevocably the breach with the Muslim community at
    large. Some objected to the new order, and in 561/1166 asan was murdered; but his young son
    Muammad II took firm control and carried through his father's policy. Henceforward the ruler of
    Alamūt was regarded as an Alid imām , lineal descendant of Nizār. But external relations remained
    much as before; Muammad had a long and relatively peaceful reign, troubled toward its end by the
    enmity of the 2w ārazm'āh. During his reign Syrian Ismāīlism was dominated by the able Rā'id
    al Dīn Sinān [q.v.], who acted with apparent independence of Alamūt in his quarrels and
    rapprochements with Aleppo and Saladin, with the Crusaders, and with the Nu.ayrī mountaineers
    about him. But after his death in 589/1193 the authority of Alamūt was unquestioned.
    The son of Muammad II, asan III, succeeded in 607/1210 and declared himself a Sunnite
    Muslim, ordering all his followers to accept the Sunnite arī
    a , and allying himself with, among
    others, the caliph al Nā.ir. The Ismāīlīs accepted his decrees outwardly; he made minor conquests
    in alliance with Uzbag of Ā!arbāy!"ān. But when he died in 618/1221 (perhaps by poison) his
    young son who succeeded, Muammad III, was not brought up a Sunnite; and though officially
    asan's decrees probably stood, in fact the arī
    a was dropped and the state resumed its political
    isolation.
    Nevertheless, a broad Islamic outlook was maintained. Na.īr al Dīn 5ūsī [q.v.] and other scholars
    were attracted to its fortresses; and ambitious quarrels were carried on with -"alāl al Dīn
    Mangūbirtī [q.v.] and then with the Mongols; allies were sought even in western Europe. But the
    Sunnites' ingrained hatred finally prevailed. The Mongol Hūlāgū's first objective in Iran was to
    destroy the Ismāīlī state. Muammad had developed a degenerate character and his refusal to
    negotiate frightened his generals, who were evidently hoping to circumvent him when a courtier
    murdered him, in 653/1255.

    After ambivalent negotiations and the fall of many fortresses, his son 2w ur'āh surrendered
    unconditionally in 654/1256. He was soon killed, and the Ismāīlīs of Daylamān, ūmis, and
    uhistān were massacred; the survivors never succeeded in reestablishing the state. The Syrian
    Page 2 of 3 ALAM—T [I:352b]fortresses survived the Mongols only to be taken by Baybars of Egypt, who however left them as an
    autonomous community, furnishing assassins to their new overlords."

    Wenn jemand weiß, wie ich von der EI-CD ohne "Sonderzeichen-Quark" copy pasten kann, dann immer her mit den Tipps. :yes: Ansonsten diesen Text hier copy-pasten, in MS Word "Ersetzen-Funktion" für die durcheinander gegangenen Buchstaben benutzen, wenn man es besser lesbar machen möchte, oder eben so lassen, wenn verständlich genug.

    :winke:
     
  5. Gaius Marius

    Gaius Marius Neues Mitglied

    Was ist denn "EI"?:grübel:
     
  6. lynxxx

    lynxxx Neues Mitglied

    Siehe oben: "Encyclopaedia of Islam."
    The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition – Wikipedia

    sorry, hatte die Abkürzung vergessen, um dann EI ohne Verwirrung nutzen zu können.... oder haben wir schon Ostern... ;) =)
     
  7. Ilan

    Ilan Aktives Mitglied

    Eine andere Abhilfe kann ich auch nicht anbieten. Das Problem liegt eben darin, dass die EI2-CD eine eigene Zeichenkodierung benutzt und man folglich die Sonderzeichen vorher zu Unicode konvertieren müsste, um sie hier im Forum richtig anzuzeigen. Die "Suchen und Ersetzen"-Funktion von Word oder OpenOffice ist eben eine Möglichkeit dazu. Vereinfachen lässt sich das Prozedere trotzdem indem man wie gehabt verfährt, das ganze aber als Makro aufzeichnet. Dabei hat man beim ersten Mal trotzdem den Aufwand, jedes Sonderzeichen durch ein Unicode-Zeichen ersetzten zu müssen, darauffolgend reicht dann aber schon ein Mausklick, um alle Zeichen umzuwandeln. Soweit zumindest die Theorie. :pfeif: In der Praxis müsste man das erst mal ausprobieren. Zumindest könnte sich das aber lohnen, wenn man Texte öfters von der EI2-CD kopieren muss.

    Also die Schokoladenweihnachtsmänner wurden jetzt aussortiert. Es kann also nicht mehr lange dauern bis die Osterhasen in die Geschäfte Einzug halten. =)
     
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